Thursday, 3 July 2014

Rationales of Copyright

By Thomas Coughlan


Key Points:   
            Property rights: the historical context
            Why copyright was established: natural law or artificial creation?
            Justifications for the establishment of copyright
            How history influences our understanding of copyright
           
           
When we discuss intellectual property in the 21st century, most of us acknowledge that some form of property exists in those ideas that spring forth from our minds and onto our pages, canvasses or computer screens. This sense of proprietorship seems so instinctual that the mere suggestion of claiming another’s intellectual property as one’s own is often greeted with great disgust. The strength of these emotions would suggest that intellectual property belongs to the natural law, a body of moral, reasoned law that was best described by Christopher Saint German in 1518 as ‘written on the heart’ of all humans – indeed, this much was said when early positive intellectual property laws were drafted. This article will attempt to examine the contrary. By looking at the intellectual climate that sustained the drafting of early copyright laws, it will demonstrate that, far from belonging to the natural law, intellectual property (specifically, copyright) was an artificial creation intended to serve politics and the marketplace.


The 1710 Act for the Encouragement of Learning (commonly called the Act or Statute of Anne) is not unfairly known as the source of most intellectual property laws in jurisdictions that claim British heritage. The act is commonly cited as the source of the intellectual and legal foundation of contemporary notions of intellectual property. However, recent interdisciplinary work from fields as diverse as English literature, history and law has found these 18th and 19th century copyright laws to be intellectually bankrupt – the result of vapid political compromise rather than strenuous intellectual consideration. The chief critic of these laws, Professor Catherine Seville argues that the non-existence of a “rationale of copyright” at the heart of historical copyright laws poses serious concerns for contemporary jurisprudence.

            The Act of Anne was succeeded by the Copyright Act of 1842. It established a 60-year copyright term for authors, which, if it had expired at the time of the author’s death, would be assigned to his or her heirs. The 1842 Act was itself the successor of five bills, introduced each year to Parliament since 1837. The man who drafted the first five of these bills, Serjeant Talfourd, originally envisaged a far more philosophically ambitious act. Talfourd’s bill would establish a perpetual copyright vested in the author. Talfourd’s “rationale of copyright” is clear in the accompanying pamphlet literature and petitions to Parliament; his goal was to turn ‘copyright’ into ‘literary property’. For Talfourd, literary property should have taken its cues from real or chattel property, which can be assigned to heirs unlimited by any temporal period. This was a radical departure from the more utilitarian conception of copyright that was prominent in the litigation surrounding the original 1710 Act. Opposition from radical proletarian movements, who decried the bill as a “tax on knowledge” for its perceived potential to drive up book prices, eventually forced the proponents of the bill to compromise on a 60 year term. The compromise was unabashedly political and Seville is right to note that this leaves contemporary copyright law – assailed as it is by immeasurable digital infringement – vulnerable. However, discovering the current law morally bankrupt should not preclude a closer study of the intellectual developments that it catalysed.
           

* * *

            The antecedents of early copyright laws are too many and too detailed to attempt any more than a brief adumbration here. In the English context, the concept of having the sole right to print a text dates back to the Licensing Acts of 1534 and 1557, which granted a monopoly on printing to the London Stationer’s Company. This act required a copy of all printed texts to be lodged with the London Stationer’s Company, which would determine whether the work would be banned, censored or published. Upon publication, the “copy” would be entered under the printer’s name at the register of the Stationer’s Company, which guaranteed the printer the sole right of reprinting that copy. This was known as the, “right to copy”, hence the word, “copyright”. The monopoly functioned chiefly as a means of censorship, but the customary practices of the Stationer’s Company, to which all London printers were obliged to belong, created a de facto perpetual copyright. Until the 1770s, London publishers maintained copyrights for the works of Shakespeare and Milton, in spite of the fact their authors had died over a century and half earlier (in Shakespeare’s case).  The Licensing Act was permitted to lapse during the English Civil Wars. This lapse survived the interregnum and the restoration (although censorship was restored) and it was not until the turn of the century that authors and publishers began lobbying for a legal articulation of their customary copyright practices. By 1710, the commercial conditions of the book trade were markedly different to those that had existed before the Civil Wars; technological advances had drastically lowered the price of printed material and a flourishing English economy and increased literacy had broadened the market for literature. Whereas early authors had almost always sought remuneration in the form of aristocratic patronage, the authors of the 18th century tentatively began to try their luck in the open marketplace. The 1710 Act ostensibly intended to protect as wide a market as possible for books by establishing the maximum copyright term of 28 years (a 14 year term, which could be extended by a further 14 years if the author was still alive by the time the first 14 years had elapsed).

When the first copyright terms expired in 1728-9, the London Booksellers litigated to preserve their customary practices in the face of intense competition from Scottish reprinters. This litigation, which came to an end on the side of the Scots in the landmark 1774 case Donaldson v. Beckett, unearthed several powerful rationales of copyright. The London Booksellers attempted to find an historical and legal justification for perpetual copyright. For the most part, they focused on two arguments: the historical and customary practice of perpetual copyright and the legal argument that copyright was a positive law articulation of the natural law. The natural law argument is the most fascinating. At its most elaborate, this argument was argued in Lockean terms; men on both sides of the bench directly and indirectly quoted the famous passage from John Locke’s seminal Second Treatise of Government (1689), in which Locke described the genesis of private property. “The labour of his body, and the work of his hands, we may say, are properly his,” wrote Locke, “[w]hatsoever then he removes out of the state that nature hath provided, and left it in, he hath mixed his labour with, and joined to it something that is his own, and thereby makes it his property”. The ancillary arguments of this position made requisite that an author’s mental labours be equivalent to traditional, physical labour. This argument also stimulated a debate over the constitution of this ‘state of nature’ from which an author’s literature was removed. This argument was favoured by celebrated jurists William Murray, Lord Mansfield (now celebrated as the ‘chief architect’ of the commercial law) and Sir William Blackstone.

More fascinating than this however, is an argument developed in an anonymous 1761 pamphlet, An Enquiry into the Nature and Origins of Literary Property. The pamphlet ends with the author answering objections to the idea of literary property in dialogic form. He meant to answer the query whether imitating a machine (thereby infringing a patent) was similar to printing copyrighted books:
“He who makes an Utensil in imitation of another, must necessarily work with the same ideas as the original Proprietor had, and so fully acquires a property in the work of his own hands. But the most learned Book in the World may be copied by one who has no ideas at all. What pretence hath such a one to property in the Work of the Mind, who had employed in Copying it only, the work of the Hand.”
This argument, popular in the 18th century, is not far removed from the arguments made by artists and industry figures in our own time to justify the protection and enforcement of their copyrights. Surprisingly, the anonymous author’s response to this criticism was not to defend the labour of the imitator, but rather to attack the proprietor’s claim to original, intellectual labour at the moment the literary property was conceived. This argument made, the pamphleteer went on to argue that authors should have ample copyright protection to furnish a pecuniary incentive for their labours and to sustain their lives, but nothing else. Thus copyright law took on the utilitarian character of a patent, rather than the metaphysical aspects of a perpetual property. The argument in An Enquiry earned several famous proponents in the highest courts of England and Scotland and eventually prevailed in the House of Lord’s ruling in favour of limited copyright in Donaldson and Beckett.

            The utilitarian rationale, backed as it was by an intense philosophical opposition to the concept of literary property, survived until the 1842 Act, at which time it was challenged by an entirely different philosophical notion of copyright, only for both philosophies to be cast aside in favour of political compromise. While the contempt or ambivalence that internet moguls and those that use their services have levelled at copyright is certainly cause for concern, it is also true that there is an immensely rich corpus of philosophy that awaits anyone with an interest to reinvestigate copyright’s antecedents. Is it fair that we still live with the descendent of a political compromise forged 170 years ago when Tories and Whigs held the balance of power over Britain and her Empire? Or is it time to assemble from the detritus of this compromise a new rationale of copyright more fit to meet contemporary demands.