Thursday, 3 July 2014

Shaking Up The Faith: What do the data say about stress, Christchurch, and God?

By Hadleigh Frost


Key Points:
            Studies of religion
            Control amidst the randomness of life
            Are we okay? Is the `All right?’ campaign is on to something?
            Lessons from an earthquake community


When a magnitude 4.0 earthquake struck Christchurch on Boxing day in 2010, many Cantabrians were singing carols. It was Sunday morning and people had gathered in churches for Christmas services, but at 11:10 am the ground trembled and the singing stopped. Interruptions like this became commonplace in Christchurch after a major earthquake in September 2010, and the city ground to a halt following a devastating aftershock five months later. During this stressful time, Christchurch became significantly more religious. What draws us to religion during times of hardship? And does religion help? These are not just questions for esoteric sociology professors. Religion is a major part of how we experience loss and investigating these questions can suggest ways to better assist communities following disasters like the Christchurch earthquake.



New Zealand lies at the boundary between two massive pieces of the Earth’s crust. The pushing and folding of these two geological plates has sculpted our country over millions of years, ­­­forming everything from the southern alps to Mount Tongariro.

All of this movement puts the land we live on under a great deal of stress. During the settlement of Christchurch from 1850 to 1930, the area was affected by four major earthquakes. These quakes were themselves readjustments to a much a larger earthquake that occurred in the 1700s.

The recent sequence of Canterbury earthquakes was yet another readjustment, and it had tragic consequences. One hundred and ten people lost their lives on the 22nd of February 2011 in a magnitude 6.3 earthquake. Approximately two thirds of city buildings were irreversibly damaged, including many of Christchurch’s historic churches and cathedrals.


Roughly half of New Zealanders identify with a religion, and this number has been declining for decades. Christchurch recently bucked this trend. Data from the New Zealand Attitudes and Values Survey show that Christchurch residents became significantly more religious following the devastating February earthquake.

Between 2009 and 2011, 8.6% of Cantabrians converted to a religion while only 5.2% became non-­religious. Outside of Canterbury, New Zealanders were much less likely to convert to a religion: Only 5.3% became religious while 6.9% apostatized.

This increase in religion may seem odd. Most Christians, for instance, believe in a God who is loving and kind, a belief that could conflict with the destruction and loss experienced by those living in Canterbury. How could such a horrible event encourage belief in God?


In 2005, seventy ­seven undergraduate students from the University of Illinois were surveyed to ascertain how strongly they believed in God and his ability to answer prayers. Before being surveyed the students were told a story.

One group of students was told a story about a mother picking up her child from preschool. A second group was told a different version of the story in which the child dies. The second group reported a much stronger belief in a supernatural God than the first group.

Merely being reminded of death dramatically increased the students’ belief in both God and the power of prayer. It seems plausible that this effect helped to increase religious belief in Christchurch after the earthquakes.

But religion is much more than just a response to death. Religious thinking might be part of our human response to randomness. In our chaotic and uncertain world we find ways to feel more in control. We buy special stones to improve our luck, take food supplements to ward off the flu and, sometimes, dance around naked to make it rain. Psychologists suspect that we might be wired up to act this way from a young age.


In the early eighties a pair of psychologists from the University of Kansas took a mechanical clown called ‘Bobo’ down to their local preschool. Bobo was a very special sort of clown; His nose could light up red and he could dispense marbles out of his mouth.

The psychologists took children into a small room and told them that if they were able to collect enough marbles from Bobo they would get a toy. To accomplish this task the children were given a lever. When pulled, Bobo would sometimes spit out a marble, but not always.

In response to Bobo’s randomness, the children tried to find other ways to make Bobo give them marbles. They tried making faces at Bobo and touching Bobo’s nose; each child developing their own method. And the more impatient they were to get a marble, the harder they tried to influence Bobo using their method.

These little rituals didn’t actually do anything, but the children learned to do these things anyway. Even in that little room with a mechanical clown, it was better to develop rituals than live with uncertainty.


Our attempts to cope with randomness extend far beyond marble dispensing clowns. In 2006, tensions between Israel and Hezbollah climaxed in a month ­long conflict fought in northern Israel and Lebanon. Tzfat, in northern Israel, was one of the cities plagued by rocket attacks.

An American anthropologist living in Israel studied the response of Tzfat residents to the war. Data from over a hundred interviews show that reciting psalms strongly affected the anxiety of the residents.

Not all residents stayed in Tzfat, many evacuated to the south. Reciting psalms had no effect for residents who had evacuated. However, for residents living in the war zone, under high stress conditions, reciting psalms was correlated with much lower levels of anxiety.

The psalms are published in traditional Hebrew, which can be difficult for modern Hebrew speakers to understand; but, for the residents, understanding the precise meaning of the psalms was unimportant.­­ They said that they recited psalms because they wanted “to do something” about the war.

For the children in the psychologists’ room, making faces at Bobo didn’t do much. But, for the Tzfat residents living through a tumultuous war, reciting psalms made a big difference to their lives. Reciting psalms significantly lowered their anxiety by allowing them to “do something” about their situation: It helped them cope.


In Christchurch, many residents turned to religion after the earthquakes. So, if reciting psalms helped the Tzfat residents cope, did religion help Christchurch residents with the stress of the earthquakes?

As part of the New Zealand Attitudes and Values Survey, researchers investigated how people felt about their personal health. Using data from both 2009 and 2011 the researchers found no significant differences between the religious and non-religious respondents.

From this study alone we cannot determine how much religion helped Christchurch residents. However, other studies show that religion can help people process traumatic events in ways that go far beyond rituals like reciting psalms.

Sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS) is a particularly traumatic experience for parents. In many cases the child’s death is not witnessed and the cause of death is impossible to determine. In the eighties a group of American psychologists spent two years following the lives of over a hundred parents who had lost an infant to SIDS.

The psychologists found that parents who were more involved with a religious community adjusted to their loss much better than other parents. Were the more religious parents just better at coping? Not necessarily. The study found that social support was likely the most important factor contributing to the well-being of the parents.

Parents who felt supported by their social group were much better at coping in the weeks following the loss of their child. These parents also spent more time thinking through their loss --- a behaviour that was found to increase long-term well-being.


Why did Christchurch become more religious after the quakes? The increase may be related to many things including peoples’ fear of death, and their response to the stress and uncertainty of post-earthquake Christchurch. However, research in this area is relatively young and so these conclusions must be considered with caution. (See note [11].)

Whatever the reason, research shows that Canterbury’s religious converts may be on to something: Religious practice often does help people cope with traumatic events. Religions can provide people with tools to reduce their anxiety, and some religious communities provide a great deal of social support.

What can this teach an increasingly non-religious New Zealand? In the aftermath of the earthquakes, Christchurch residents faced uncertainty over the future of their homes, jobs and neighbourhoods. When asked, many residents said they felt stressed or anxious with almost half the respondents saying that they needed additional social support.

This was one of the motivations behind Christchurch’s `All Right?’ campaign --- a publically funded project that populated the city with posters designed to encourage stronger communities. The posters suggest simple actions that help to strengthen social connection, like catching up with friends. It is also thought that these actions can reduce feelings of anxiety and hopelessness. (See note [10].)

Through our civic planning, mental health services and projects like the `All Right?’ campaign, New Zealand cities can foster more resilient communities for religious and non-religious people alike. We might not be able to stop the earthquakes, but together we can get through them.

“[...] They will exclaim, 'Was there ever a city like this great city?’” --- Revelation 18:18




1.      Earthquake data were retrieved using the `Quake Search’ application available from http://geonet.org.nz/
2.      Sibley, C. G., & Bulbulia, J. (2012). Faith after an Earthquake: A Longitudinal Study of Religion and Perceived Health before and after the 2011 Christchurch New Zealand Earthquake. PLoS ONE, 7(12), e49648.
3.      Doser, D. I., Webb, T. H., & Maunder, D. E. (1999). Source parameters of large historical (1918–1962) earthquakes, South Island, New Zealand. Geophysical Journal international, 139(3), 769–794.
4.      More Christchurch churches damaged by quakes. (15-06-2011). TVNZ. Retrieved from             http://tvnz.co.nz/national-news/more-christchurch-churches-damaged-quakes-4228994
5.      Norenzayan, A., & Hansen, I. G. (2006). Belief in Supernatural Agents in the Face of Death. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(2), 174–187.
6.      Wagner, G. A., & Morris, E. K. (1980). Acquisition of Superstitious Behavior with Children. Proceedings of the 88th Annual Convention of the American Psychological Association.
7.      Sosis, R., & Handwerker, W. P. (2011). Psalms and Coping with Uncertainty: Religious Israeli Women’s Responses to the 2006 Lebanon War. American Anthropologist, 113(1), 40–55.
8.      McIntosh, D. N., Silver, R. C., & Wortman, C. B. (1993). Religion’s role in adjustment to a negative life event: coping with the loss of a child. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 65(4), 812–821.
9.      Becoming All Right? (2013, April). Healthy Christchurch. Retrieved from             http://www.healthychristchurch.org.nz/media/100697/allrightresearchsummary.pdf
10. For more on the All Right? campaign see http://allright.org.nz/

11. For a review of the psychological research see Pargament, K. I. (2013). APA Handbook of Psychology, Religion, and Spirituality. Washington, D.C: American Psychological Association.